The openMovements series invites leading social scientists to share their research results and perspectives on contemporary social struggles.
Anti-nuclear protest, Tokyo, 2012. Demotix/Nodoka Ishida. All rights reserved.What do you
know about Japan? Answers to this question vary, but I can guess how familiar someone is with Japan by paying attention to the Japanese loanwords he or
she uses. I am sure you know the following words: sukiyaki, tofu, tempura, sushi (foods), karaoke, bonsai, manga, otaku (cultural
terms), kaizen, kanban, karoshi
(business terms), and various other words such as tsunami, kamikaze, and
hikikomori. Japan’s delicious foods, interesting culture, management, hard
work, and sometimes even its disasters and discord are the main components of
its image in other countries.
Unfortunately
democracy and social movements in Japan have rarely been under close
international scrutiny. Now we have the time and an indispensable chance to do
so, because today, Japan is on the brink of changing
from a pacifist state to one prepared to go to war if necessary.
Shinzo Abe’s government, the Liberal Democratic Party, and
their allies have maintained close and intimate relationships with nationalist right-wing movements and
organizations such as the Japan Conference (Nihonkaigi)
and the Shinto Association of Spiritual Leadership (Shinto Seiji Renmei). They feel that in
order to revitalise Japan, it must be perceived as a beautiful country not only
in the natural and geographical senses, but also in the social, cultural, and
historical senses. Japan’s ‘true, original characteristics’ such as the monarchy
are beautiful.
They do not wish to discuss
painful issues connected to World War II such as ‘comfort women’ or the Nanjing
massacre, and they do not want to accept Japan’s defeat in the Pacific War,
preferring to think of Japan as having liberated Asia from western imperialism.
They feel that education should not teach imported notions of western human
rights, but should instead stress the Japanese people’s duties to the state and
to the emperor.
The five contexts behind social movements in Japan
today
Locals protest against basing MV-22 Osprey helicopters on Okinawa. Demotix/Chris Willson. All rights reserved.
1. Shifts
in national hegemony and power
The USA’s power
and hegemony are in decline while China’s are rising; therefore the USA needs
all kinds of help from its allies. Especially in East Asia, it is essential for
the USA to strengthen its ties with and get assistance from Japan, not only
politically and militarily but also economically and ideologically.
The
government is now hurrying to relocate the American military base in Futenma to
Henoko, in Nago City, against the will of the majority of the Okinawan people.
The will of the people of Okinawa is crystal clear: Okinawan people would like
to relocate the Futenma base to somewhere else outside of Okinawa prefecture,
hopefully outside Japan. But the Abe government has been accelerating
preparations for building a new base in Henoko. Many Okinawans are protesting
these relocation preparation activities by staging sit-ins at the construction
site.
2. Security-related
bills
The immediate
goal of the current government is to create a ‘normal country’. By that, it means one capable of engaging in war. It has enacted the State Secrets Law that imposes penalties for leaking
classified information that could endanger national security, and
makes it possible to export arms.
The coalition
government of the conservative Liberal Democratic Party and the centre-right
Clean Party is trying to enact security-related bills which will allow Japan’s military to fight abroad for
the first time since World War II. This is a drastic shift in security policy.
Prime Minister Abe’s cabinet already adopted a resolution last July,
reinterpreting the pacifist Constitution to drop the self-imposed ban on
exercising the right of collective self-defence and providing military support
to a friendly country under attack.
The
government and National Diet have changed the interpretation of the provisions
of the Constitution – and its meaning and content – without going through the
formal procedure of amending it in order to allow Japan’s Self-Defence Forces to actively participate
in military self-defence activities. These security-related bills, however,
allow Japan’s Self-Defence Forces to exercise the right of collective
self-defence, thus clearly violating the Constitution. Approximately 200
constitutional law scholars have declared that these bills are
unconstitutional, and the media surmise that only 10 constitutional law
scholars support the assertion that these bills are constitutional.
Nevertheless, the government is trying to persuade Parliament to pass the
bills.
3. A strategy to
revitalise Japan
Japan’s government, the
ruling Liberal Democratic Party, and the leaders of big corporations believe that implementing neo-liberal economic policies and innovations based on the
Silicon Valley model is the way to escape from economic
stagnation over two decades and revitalize Japan.
Prior to the issue of
collective self-defence, there were heated debates over and movements
protesting the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) promoted by the US government.
It is estimated that the TPP
would generate USD$5 billion in economic benefits in the US in 2015, and $14
billion by 2025, but the treaty was negotiated in secret. Organised labour,
farmers, professionals, activists, environmentalists, intellectuals, and
elected officials have all criticised and protested the treaty. As Noam Chomsky warned, the TPP is “designed to carry forward the neoliberal project to maximise profit and domination” of giant
corporations.
In Japan, many
people fear that giant American corporations will be able to exploit Japan’s new markets. Japanese agriculture in particular would be damaged
by giant US agribusinesses. However, the Liberal Democratic Party is trying to
reform the National Federation of Agricultural Cooperative Associations into a
new organization designed to increase agricultural productivity and enhance the
international competitiveness of Japan’s agriculture.
Some people
might think that Abe’s policy to revitalise Japan is new and will solve some of
Japan’s problems. In reality, however, he does not include a gender perspective
in his policy to revitalise Japan – on the contrary, his policy uses women
arbitrarily rather than aiming for a gender-equal society. The World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report (2014) ranked Japan
104 out of 142 countries with regard to gender equality. Since the 1980s,
persistent women’s liberation movements have emerged in the areas of
employment, family, local community, and politics. Japan’s low ranking is
mainly due to the low performances of political empowerment and economic
participation and opportunity.
In July 2014, the Abe government
announced its ‘Japan revitalization strategy’, which included the establishment
of a legal framework designed to achieve the goal of women holding 30 percent
of leadership positions by 2020. Based on this grand design, the Abe
administration launched a series of promotion policies for women. However,
these policies focus on improving the national economy and taking measures to
reverse the decline of birth rate; in practice, it does not concern itself with
the issue of gender inequality.
They may help elite women,
but it is uncertain how they could improve the problems of irregular employment. Irregular workers (a three-year contract
maximum) and temporary workers (an under-one-year contract) are increasing
rapidly since the 1990s. Many female workers belong to irregular and temporary categories. The revised Dispatch Worker Bill, now at the House of Councillors, will
probably worsen the working conditions for them.
4. Recovery
from disaster
Four years have
passed since a severe earthquake and tsunami struck the northern coast of
Honshu on 11 March 2011. Due to the combination of the natural disaster and the
man-made Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant accident, Japan has experienced
unprecedented suffering. Despite Abe’s promise to do his best to achieve a
quick and full recovery from the disaster, 2,576 people are still missing and
more than 2,100,000 remain displaced. After the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power
plant accident, all nuclear power plants stopped operation and several old
nuclear power plants were decommissioned, but the nuclear accident itself was
not brought under control.
Even so, the
Liberal Democratic Party’s attitude to nuclear power plants has shifted from
opposition to support, because nuclear energy is inexpensive and no alternative
to it has been found to support Japan’s revival. The Abe government has even
been working to export Japan’s nuclear power plant abroad. Several proposals
for reopening the nuclear power plants have already been presented. The Kushu
Electric Company’s proposal to revive the Sendai nuclear power plant was
processed favourably without regard to the lessons of the disaster, and the
plant will restart operations this summer.
There are of
course many strong and persistent anti-nuclear movements, but the problem is
that the local communities among which nuclear power plants are located receive
so much money from the power companies that they now find it difficult to live
without this money. It is very hard for anti-nuclear environmental movements to
break this local power structure. The Nuclear Power Safety Commission, the
national government, and relevant local and prefectural governments can all
approve a company’s request to reopen a nuclear power plant.
5. The political process in Japan
The origins of
the present political situation lie in the failure of the Democratic Party’s
government from 2009 to 2011. Since the 1990s, people had become increasingly dissatisfied with the traditional politics of the Liberal Democratic Party and
its governments, which relied on traditional state bureaucracy ruled by special
interests and intra-party factions. The Japanese people therefore chose the
Democratic Party as the ruling party in the 2009 general election. It was the
first time the Liberal Democratic Party had been out of power since the end of
World War II, but people soon realised that the Democratic Party could not
provide new political processes to solve so many problems. The party was
composed of politicians whose political and ideological backgrounds were so
diverse, ranging from conservatives to social democrats, that it was difficult
to get a consensus even on basic policies.
The Democratic Party did not have a specific policy, nor
the means to achieve its campaign promises. They did not deal with
international questions, particularly the conflicts with China and the East
Japan Great Earthquake and Tsunami disaster. The Liberal Democratic Party
therefore won a landslide victory in the next election in 2011. The pendulum swung
too far in the opposite direction. As a result, the House of Representatives is
now dominated by big ruling party members; opposition parties’ members make up about
one-third. This political structure has allowed the ruling party and its allies
to initiate an amendment to the Constitution．Many
newly elected members of the Lower House in the Liberal Democratic Party are
very conservative, even right-wing.
Shinzo Abe
became prime minister on the strength of his promise to revitalise Japan
through strong leadership and taking swift political decisions. His policies
have created a false economic boom that is far from the real
economic situation, creating big
profits for global corporations based on a weaker yen and the monetary policy
of the Central Bank of Japan. ‘Abenomics’ relies on the trickle-down theory that
“financial
benefit given to big business will in turn pass down to smaller businesses and
consumers” (following the Merriam-Webster
definition). Even the World Bank is
reluctant to endorse
it. Abe’s economic policy is sticking
to this theory, while cutting social, welfare, cultural, and educational
spending.
The present situation of social movements in Japan
Protests against the security bills, Tokyo. Author’s own. All rights reserved.A great many groups and
organizations have been formed since the security-related bills were presented
to the House of Representatives. Almost every day, demonstrations or meetings
to protest the security-related bills take place in Japan. The Committee of
Anti-War 1000 has been organizing meetings and demonstrations. It has gained
the signatures of more than 1,650,000 people to oppose the security legislation.
The Association of Scholars Opposed to the Security-Related Bills set up a
website and collected over 10,000 signatures within a short period. Various
women’s liberation groups and organizations have held meetings and demonstrated
against the bills.
Students’ Emergency Action
for Liberal Democracy (SEALD) organises meetings and demonstrations every
Friday and Saturday just outside the Parliament building, attracting an
increasing number of participants every week. This is a very important move.
The student movement had been a leading part of the democracy movement until
the late 1960s, but since then it has become unpopular in Japan. Many people
appreciate the current movement as open, fresh, lacking an ideological bent,
and featuring a sophisticated youth culture. The movement’s purpose is to show
that ‘this is what democracy looks like’. What democracy means for
them is political participation, and creating their own future by inputting
student’s voices into the political process. It always calls for the
participation of the students’ families, friends, and lovers.
While the women’s
liberation movement organises demonstrations and meetings for women’s issues,
they are demonstrating and meeting to protest against the security-related
bills at the same time, as does the movement against the US military base in
Okinawa. At the end of World War II, Okinawa became the only battlefield in
Japan. Many Okinawan people died, and the social infrastructure was completely
destroyed. After World War II, Okinawa was placed under US military rule, whose
interests were prioritised over the freedom of the Okinawan people. The
movement to return Okinawa to Japanese rule intensified, and in 1972 this goal
was achieved.
However, US military bases remained on the island, and the Japanese
government continues to prioritise the US military over the Okinawan people. In
the case of relocating the Futenma base, the Japanese government continues to
give priority to US military policy over the will of the Okinawan people, and
the number of people calling for Okinawa’s independence from Japan is growing.
Therefore, it is essential to understand the link between the movements in
Okinawa and the movements against the security-related bills.
Some readers are undoubtedly curious about the role of
the labour movement in Japan. Unfortunately, the power of the unions and the
labour movement is declining steadily. The Japanese Trade Union Confederation
(Rengo, an organizational supporter of the Democratic Party) and the National Confederation of Trade Unions (Zenroren, an
organizational supporter of the Communist Party) can still mobilise their
members, but they have lost the power to act as umbrella organizations
coordinating the movements in response to important political issues.
Therefore one
of the most important problems to solve now is how to foster a confluence of
protest movements. The victory of the movement against the security bills seems
to depend on a sharp decline in support for the Abe administration, which now
stands around 38 percent.
The security-related bills
are unconstitutional, and the process of presenting and legislating them has
proved undemocratic and a violation of the Constitution. Various democratic movements are criticizing the Abe government’s
move. Public opinion is rapidly turning against the bills. If the bills are passed by the parliament, Japan will take a big step
towards becoming a totalitarian state.
Despite this, nearly 40
percent of the Japanese people still support the Abe government, although about
60 percent oppose the security-related bills. The threats from foreign
countries and the artificial economic boom are two factors explaining the
relatively high support for Abe. It is also said that the Japanese people are
indifferent to politics – people do not like to talk about politics or religion
at social gatherings. But more than that, the government and the ruling party
are using advertisements to create a good image of the system. Furthermore,
they put pressure on the media (TV, newspapers, magazines, and websites) not to
say or write unfavourable things about the government. It is very difficult to
find critical investigations of the Abe government in the Japanese media. It is
left to local newspapers, tabloids, weekly journals and
social media to carry critical news and commentary against the Abe government. Japan’s NHK, similar to the UK’s BBC, has rarely offered critical
scrutiny of the government since one of Abe’s friends was appointed its
president.
Since the Meiji
restoration, the Japanese government has been strengthening the country’s
national identity through education. From the end of World War II to the end of
the 1970s, the democratization movement was strong. The government’s
introduction of the concept of national identity was somewhat counter-balanced
by the democratization movement; however, the impact of the movement on
education began to decline in the 1980s, and the government’s efforts to
strengthen national identity prevailed. Following strong economic growth, the ideology
of Japan as a great power, favourable only to the Japanese people, has emerged.
Numerous cultural phenomena which strengthen and support Japanese nationalisms have
been produced in the consumer market, cultural industries, and tourism. All of
these trends have stressed Japan’s uniqueness and national identity.
An open democracy in Japan
Anti-nuclear protest, Tokyo, 2012. Demotix/Nodoka Ishida. All rights reserved.We can observe two important
points in order to develop an open democracy in Japan. Firstly, democratization
movements in Japan must understand and present democracy based on Japanese
history, passions, emotions, and sentiments to solve the cleavage between
nationalism and democracy. Democracy is a universal spirit of world society. Secondly,
we Japanese must discard the ‘leave Asia and join Europe’ attitude prevalent
since the Meiji restoration, and re-position Japan once again as a part of
Asia. We must also thoroughly change our colonial thinking.
If we can solve the problem
of the fundamental cleavage or contradiction between nationalism and democracy,
east and west, Japan will no longer be a mysterious country, and people will be
able to understand the relationship between manga,
omotenashi, kawaii, and the democratic social movement. Omotenashi, manga and Japanese
culture have been deeply rooted in the lives and minds of Japanese people. But
Japanese people’s lives and minds have to be developed socially and politically
by cooperating with others. Subjects and democratic selves can be constructed
from this laborious process. Now it is clear that the role of social movements has become much more important than ever
before in this age of globalization and individualization.
How to cite:
Yazawa S. (2015) «The crisis of democracy in Japan», Open Democracy / ISA RC-47: Open Movements, 16 July. https://opendemocracy.net/shujiro-yazawa/crisis-of-democracy-in-japan