United Nations Security Council votes on draft resolution to extend the mandate of the UN stabilization mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) for another year, UN HQ,New York. March 27, 2018. Li Muzi/Press Association. All rights reserved.As a fresh wave of civil unrest engulfs the Democratic Republic of
Congo, the nation’s government unveiled late last month a new electronic voting
machine which it claims will be instrumental in carrying out this year’s
presidential elections, booked in for December 23.
However, critics fear that incumbent president Joseph Kabila – whose
term was officially over in November 2016 and who had promised to hold
elections late last year – is simply using the machines as a ruse to further
delay votes, with the ultimate goal of maintaining power indefinitely.
Against the backdrop of increasingly violent and vocal civil unrest, the
Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) introduced domestic and
international journalists to a new electronic voting machine, which it
maintains is indispensable to meeting its target of the December 23
elections.
Yet critics are concerned that these machines are just another
bait-and-switch to allow Kabila to postpone elections further – or worse, to
manipulate the voting. Indeed, shortly after they were unveiled, the machines,
which had been imported from South Korea, broke down when they were being
presented to a parliamentary commission in Kinshasa.
French only
Furthermore, it is estimated that 60,000 of the devices will be needed
to service a country two-thirds the size of western Europe. Ahead of election
day, more than half a million electoral agents will need to assist with their
deployment, along with efforts to update the electoral roll. What’s more, the
machines operate only in French – not in any of the nation’s four other
official languages. These obstacles alone could end up as convenient excuses
for Kabila to renege on his promises once again.
The integrity of an electronic ballot has also been called into question
by the international community. US Ambassador to the UN Nikki Haley has claimed
that America "has no appetite" for such a system, highlighting the
fact that it has never been tested in the country. Notwithstanding that display
of unequivocal opposition, government-controlled media have tried to paint the international
stakeholders as supportive of their venture.
It is key to note that Kabila has a long history of employing
questionable excuses to postpone his secession of the presidency. Previously,
he has cited issues ranging from incomplete electoral registration to
underfunding of CENI to militia violence in the central region of Kasai – a
consequence, ironically, of his own refusal to step down.
It’s easy to imagine that as election day approaches, the voting
machines will end up as yet another subterfuge – especially since, as CENI head
Corneille Nangaa swore, "Without voting machines, there won't be elections
on December 23 2018."
DRC tinderbox
How far has the DRC fallen. After the horror of Africa's World War in the late 1990s and early 2000s, the
world hoped with bated breath that Kabila could bring some much-needed
stability to this turbulent region. The son of the previous (assassinated)
president, Kabila ruled for a transitional period from 2001 until 2006, before
winning two more elections (in questionable circumstances) and serving a
15-year tenure.
Yet his rule has been characterised by an increasingly tenuous but
iron-willed grip on power, with conditions for everyday citizens slowly but
steadily deteriorating. Despite being one of the most resource-rich countries
in Africa, it’s estimated that annual inflation has reached 50% and almost 10% of the population (7.7
million people) struggle with extreme hunger.
And in the wake of Kabila’s refusal to cede power in 2016, the situation
has only deteriorated, with surging conflict forcing more than 1.3 million
people to flee their homes, 800,000 of them children.
The Catholic
church
In response to the rising chaos in the country, step forward the Catholic
church. With 32 million followers in a nation of 80 million, the church
is one of the few institutions capable of wielding power against Kabila and was
behind a deal reached with Kabila in late 2016 to organise elections by
December 2017.
Yet when the time came, Kabila once again sidestepped his obligations,
incurring the wrath of church leaders, who have been coordinating a new wave of
peaceful protests against him. Since then, three church-led anti-Kabila marches
have taken place; on December 31, January 21, and February 25.
The authorities have used tear gas and live ammunition to disperse
protesters on all three occasions, resulting in at least 17 deaths and countless more injuries. The
government callously maintain that there have been minimal casualties and deems all victims “known
terrorists”. Yet that does precious little to explain why an infant is
currently struggling between life and death after having inhaled teargas in the
February 25 protest.
Beyond colour and creed
The government have also tried to further divide their opponents by
instigating a Muslim counter-protest – a claim which has been categorically quashed by COMICO, the Islamic
Community in Congo. Meanwhile, exiled businessman and politician Moïse Katumbi,
who is seen by many as the greatest political threat to Kabila’s rule and the
country’s best chance of a democratic leader, has called for opponents of the president to unite, regardless
of colour or creed. Earlier this month, Katumbi succeeded in rallying together opposition parties
into a coalition backing his candidacy, itself an impressive feat in a country
as fragmented as the DRC. And though he has promised to return to the country
by June, he still remains in Belgium, where he fled after a botched
assassination attempt and in order to avoiding incarceration for trumped-up money laundering charges.
Endgame
Surely keeping lawful elections at arm’s length can’t succeed
indefinitely – so what is Kabila’s endgame? Judging by similar events in other increasingly authoritarian
states like the Republic of Congo and Rwanda, it’s entirely feasible that the
president is postponing his abdication just long enough to find a loophole
which will allow him to engineer himself a third or even fourth term in power.
After all, Kabila has already suggested "reframing" the legality of peaceful protests, so
he may well take an oft-used page from the dictator’s playbook and seek to
alter the constitution for his own personal gain. Yet if the international
community wants to avoid another “World War” in Africa, they must step in to
negotiate with Kabila for his own peaceful resignation – before he goes beyond
the point of no return.