Repression in Rio de Janeiro on June 21, 1968, which became known as "Bloody Friday".<\/i><\/p>\n
"I \u2013 Manuel Serrano<\/strong>: Jair Bolsonaro has been elected Reginaldo Nasser<\/strong>: When former President Nixon was Bolsonaro\u2019s election will have consequences for all the Historically, the dictatorship It is a pending question which has made this force suddenly reemerge. Manuel Serrano<\/strong>: Several analysts describe the new Although it appears to be a transitory wave, it will be so only if there is resistance and mobilization and if these count on international allies.<\/p>\n Reginaldo Nasser<\/strong>: For now, comparisons can be made only Manuel Serrano<\/strong>: What do you think about the Reginaldo Nasser: <\/strong>I think that the appointment of Judge It all started with the mensal\u00e3o<\/em>, The coup against President The incarceration The coup against President Rousseff showed that there are broad sectors of society combined with different structures of the State trying to get the PT out of power.<\/p>\n Manuel Serrano<\/strong>: Bolsonaro\u2019s program includes Do Reginaldo Nasser<\/strong>: I think that Bolsonaro\u2019s government This decision guarantees the This is a positive decision The only legitimized force to invade a university is the force of free and plural ideas.<\/p>\n Manuel Serrano<\/strong>: How come the far right has reached Reginaldo Nasser<\/strong>: For some time now I have been studying In Brazil, what happened was a This process also It was at then that the elites reached a consensus agreement: to put an end Counterrevolution exists regardless of whether the revolution has been successful or not.<\/p>\n Many journalists, politicians and Jair Bolsonaro during a plenary session of the House of Representatives to celebrate the 30\u00ba anniversary of the Constitution. Geraldo Magela\/Ag\u00eancia Senado\/Flickr. Some rights reserved.<\/i><\/p>\n Manuel Serrano<\/strong>: Polarization, attacks on the press, the military Reginaldo Nasser<\/strong>: When we analyze the advances and setbacks in However, at the same time, democracy deteriorated over time in different What is emerging now is the tip of the iceberg of the Despite the progress made during the PT governments, Brazil is today an extremely unequal and violent country, where those footing the bill are usually the most vulnerable.<\/p>\n Manuel Serrano: <\/strong>A year ago, we were discussing about fake Reginaldo Nasser: <\/strong>In these last elections, it was social But his supporters, rooted in a very well organized industry, had a The elections also showed the inability of the judicial In these last elections, it was social media, especially WhatsApp, that has been truly decisive as opposed to huge media giants.\u00a0<\/p>\n Manuel Serrano<\/strong>: Uruguay\u2019s Pepe M\u00fajica recalls that "there Reginaldo Nasser: <\/strong>It is understandable that some are Young people seem And that, excluding the null and blank votes and the ones Bolsonaro has been open about his praise of Colonel Ulstra, a symbol of torture in Brazil.<\/p>\n The votes of the PT candidate came mostly from the northeast, from I think this is an We need therefore to There are elements and gestures in Bolsonaro's speeches that are I think he will try to act Hence the importance of the pressure that the international Repression in Rio de Janeiro on June 21, 1968, which became known as "Bloody Friday". "I am going to turn this country into a democracy and if someone is against it, I'll stop them and crush them." \u2013 General Jo\u00e3o Baptista Figueiredo Manuel Serrano: Jair Bolsonaro has been elected president of Brazil. What does his…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-907","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-news"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/907","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=907"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/907\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=907"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=907"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=907"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}
\nam going to turn this country into a democracy and if someone is against it,
\nI'll stop them and crush them." <\/em><\/p>\n
\n<\/em>General Jo\u00e3o Baptista Figueiredo<\/p>\n
\npresident of Brazil. What does his election mean for your country, for Latin
\nAmerica and for the future of democracy in the region?<\/p>\n
\nasked, in the 1970s, if he feared that Brazil would become a "new"
\nCuba, he said no. He said that he feared, in fact, that Brazil could become a
\n"new" China. <\/p>\n
\ncountries in the region, even though each country has its own peculiarities
\nwith regards the role of the military, the elites and the different sectors in
\nsociety.<\/p>\n
\nin Brazil, unlike countries like Argentina or Chile, has always been a red flag
\nin order to allow a degree of conciliation between the different social
\nclasses. <\/p>\n
\nAlthough it appears to be a transitory wave, it will be so only if there is
\nresistance and mobilization and if these count on international allies.<\/p>\n
\npresident as the "Trump of the Tropics." However, you recently wrote
\nthat "Bolsonaro tries to mimic Trump's language and style, but he seems to
\nforget that he is not the leader of a world power". Where do the
\nsimilarities between them begin and end?<\/p>\n
\nin relation to the election campaign. It is quite likely that Bolsonaro will decide,
\nwhen he accesses power, to keep on imitating Trump's style of contempt for the
\nmainstream media and of using Twitter as an informal means of communication, through
\ncontroversial and shocking phrases which help to divert attention from the
\ncountry's real problems.<\/p>\n
\nappointment of Judge Sergio Moro as Minister of Justice? Is this the
\n"fraud of the century"? Does this cast doubt on the investigation of
\nthe Lava-Jato operation and the impartiality of the Brazilian judicial system?<\/p>\n
\nMoro as Minister of Justice is part of a plan that has been in the making for
\nsome time. Just like with a big jigsaw puzzle, the pieces are fitting together
\nlittle by little. <\/p>\n
\nand everything that has come after that has gone in the direction of the main
\nobjective: to prevent the PT from returning to power. <\/p>\n
\nRousseff showed that there are broad sectors of society combined with different
\nstructures of the State \u2013 the police, the judiciary, parliament \u2013 trying to get
\nthe PT out of power, making use of the constitution and the law. <\/p>\n
\nof Lula confirmed both the objective and the approach. Vice president-elect
\nGeneral Mour\u00e3o acknowledged that Judge Moro was consulted during the election
\ncampaign.<\/p>\n
\nmeasures that run counter to the rights set forth in the Brazilian
\nConstitution. The right to life, for example, would be violated if the police
\nwere allowed to "kill at will" in the exercise of their functions.<\/p>\n
\nyou think that the Supreme Federal Court will be able to prevent the President
\nfrom violating the fundamental rights of Brazilians?<\/p>\n
\nwill find resistance within the judiciary, especially in the Supreme Federal
\nCourt (STF). Recently, Minister Carmen L\u00facia determined, by way of a preliminary
\ndecision, that the only legitimized force to "invade a
\nuniversity is the force of free and plural ideas."<\/p>\n
\nfree expression of thought and ideas and therefore opposes the decision of the
\nelectoral judges, who authorized the search and seizure of pamphlets and
\ncampaign material in universities and teachers' associations and prohibited
\nelectoral issues in the classrooms, in addition to meetings and political
\nassemblies.<\/p>\n
\nindeed, but it shows that there are sectors within the State that
\nsystematically threaten the rule of law.<\/p>\n
\npower in Brazil? What causes proved to be the main catalysts for this result?<\/p>\n
\nthe question of the counterrevolution, which is something that currently attracts
\nvery little attention. If we analyze the works of Marx, such as the Manifesto of the Communist Party<\/em> and Louis Bonaparte\u2019s 18 Brumaire<\/em>, we can
\nappreciate his concern for counterrevolution. We must be conscious of the fact that
\ncounterrevolution exists regardless of whether the revolution has been
\nsuccessful or not.<\/p>\n
\nprocess that, timidly and in a conciliatory way, promoted the fight against
\npoverty and the access of the less well-off to higher education. <\/p>\n
\nallowed significant profits for the business and financial sectors. This small
\nrevolution provoked however a reaction when the right circumstances arose,
\nwhich is something that usually happens at times of economic crisis.<\/p>\n
\nto the PT era. What happened, though, was that during that movement, the far
\nright advanced beyond what many had expected.<\/p>\n
\neven some activists who helped in promoting anti-petism<\/em>
\nare now regretting what they did. But let us not be deceived: these sectors will
\nhappily adjust to the situation if things are "going well".<\/p>\n
\nin government. Is this the way in which
\ndemocracies commit suicide?<\/p>\n
\nhistory, we must always correctly place the situation in context. It is
\nunquestionable that the constitution of 1988 and the process of social and
\npolitical mobilization after the civic-military dictatorship produced some
\nsignificant advances and generated a number of social movements, such as the
\nMovement of Rural Landless Workers (MST) and the Movement of Homeless Workers
\n(MTST).<\/p>\n
\nways. Despite the progress made during the PT governments, Brazil is today an
\nextremely unequal and violent country, where those footing the bill are usually
\nthe most vulnerable.<\/p>\n
\nreaction by the most conservative sectors of society to years of progress. We
\nare witnessing how some groups seek a settling of scores: against universities,
\nagainst LGBT movements, against the free expression of ideas.<\/p>\n
\nnews and the bias of the media in Brazil. What influence
\nhave these factors had in the elections?<\/p>\n
\nmedia, especially WhatsApp, that has been truly decisive as opposed to huge
\nmedia giants. Many analysts commented that Bolsonaro's candidacy would not take
\noff because he did not have enough space in the allocated electoral time in the
\nmedia. <\/p>\n
\ndecisive influence. A journalist of Folha
\nde S\u00e3o Paulo<\/em>, Patr\u00edcia Campos Mello, revealed how fake news was used to
\nboost Bolsonaro's campaign. <\/p>\n
\ninstitutions to contain this. In December of 2017, a report by BBC
\nBrazil revealed that electoral and public opinion manipulation
\nstrategies have been used in Brazil since 2012, a threat up-against the passiveness
\nof the authorities.<\/p>\n
\nis no final defeat or triumph". What can the opposition and human rights defenders
\ndo to ensure that Brazil remains the largest democracy in Latin America?<\/p>\n
\npanicking at seeing a man who is a warmonger and who threatens his opponents.
\nSome remember 1964, and rightly so, since Bolsonaro has been open about his
\npraise of Colonel Ulstra, a symbol of torture in Brazil. <\/p>\n
\nsurprised: after all, was the dictatorship not a thing of the past? We need to
\nwatch out, but we must not allow fear to paralyze us – which is precisely what
\nterror aims for. Nor should we forget that the winning candidate got about 40%
\nof the total votes. <\/p>\n
\nof those who did not vote for him; Bolsonaro obtained 55% of the votes, against
\nHaddad\u2019s 45%.<\/p>\n
\nthe poorest and from women. Brazilian society is divided and we must be aware
\nthat the PT won four consecutive presidential elections, and that it would have
\nprobably won again this year if Lula had been able to run. <\/p>\n
\nunprecedented fact in Brazil, and possibly in the world, where alternation of
\npower between parties is usually the norm.<\/p>\n
\ndifferentiate between discourse and actions, although it is true that words and
\ngestures configure a state of opinion in society that encourages people to act
\non their own. <\/p>\n
\ntypical of fascism. So far, though, we cannot say that there are any coordinated
\nfascist actions.<\/p>\n
\n"within the law", since there is a permissive enough institutional
\nstructure within the State to allow him to carry out a real "witch
\nhunt". <\/p>\n
\ncommunity may be able to exert. If we agree that the character of the current
\nactions by the far right is markedly international, the democratic struggle
\nmust assume the same form.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"