{"id":1349,"date":"2019-03-27T04:15:03","date_gmt":"2019-03-27T04:15:03","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.sportsnewsforyou.com\/?p=1349"},"modified":"2019-03-27T04:15:03","modified_gmt":"2019-03-27T04:15:03","slug":"digging-deep-into-turkish-politics-what-next-for-hdp","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/?p=1349","title":{"rendered":"Digging deep into Turkish politics: what next for HDP?"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><i> Rosettes at HDP&#039;s massive election rally in Istanbul. Demotix\/ Sahan Nuhoglu. All rights reserved.In Turkey, most<br \/>\nelections are more than mere elections. The latest June 7 parliamentary<br \/>\nelections were like this again. It turned out to be a referendum on President<br \/>\nRecep Tayyip Erdogan\u2019s desire to switch the country\u2019s parliamentary system into<br \/>\na presidential one. <\/i><\/p>\n<p>The election<br \/>\nresults struck a major blow to the governing AK Party and President Recep<br \/>\nTayyip Erdogan\u2019s ambitions. The AK Party received 41% of the votes and 258<br \/>\nseats in the Parliament: a steep drop from the 2011 elections where the party<br \/>\nwon 327 seats in the parliament. The main actor responsible for this drop is the<br \/>\nPeople\u2019s Democracy Party &#8211; HDP. The HDP received 13% of the votes, coming out<br \/>\nof the elections as the third biggest party (together with Nationalist Action<br \/>\nParty-MHP) and represented in the parliament with 80 seats. Long regarded as<br \/>\nthe biggest threat to Turkey\u2019s political system and territorial integrity, the Kurds<br \/>\nhave emerged as not only the champion of Turkish democracy but also the protector<br \/>\nof the country\u2019s parliamentary regime.\u00a0 <\/p>\n<p>It is commonly<br \/>\nassumed that elections provide Turkey\u2019s polarized political environment with<br \/>\nsome relief. The four political parties that made it to the parliament mirror well<br \/>\nthe diversity of Turkish society, improving the Parliament\u2019s demographic<br \/>\nrepresentation. But the result has hardly settled the dust over Turkish<br \/>\npolitics in the short term. Turkey is susceptible to more instability and<br \/>\nuncertainties in the coming years. Each coalition scenario has its own<br \/>\nchallenges: none seem sustainable in the face of the country\u2019s imminent<br \/>\neconomic problems. However, predictions over coalition prospects in the short<br \/>\nrun are beyond the scope of this article. Rather, I want to look at the<br \/>\nquestion of the behavior of the Kurdish votes, their evolution in recent years,<br \/>\nand implications for Turkish politics. <\/p>\n<h2><strong>The Kurdish votes: where do they stand<\/strong>?<\/h2>\n<p>The June 7<br \/>\nelections were a victory for the HDP, the party increasing its votes across the<br \/>\nwhole of Turkey and seizing more votes from Turkish leftists, liberals and<br \/>\nseculars. In Istanbul, for instance, the party has increased its votes from 9<br \/>\npercent in the presidential elections in 2014 to 12 percent in these parliamentary<br \/>\nelections. How much of this vote came from Turks is hard to estimate. However,<br \/>\nsome preliminary analyses show that the party was able to win around 2 percent<br \/>\nof the votes from the Republican People\u2019s Party-CHP.\u00a0 If the numbers are correct, it shows that the<br \/>\nparty\u2019s recent opening up to wider segments of society resonated well with the<br \/>\nelectorate. Having said that, the increase is most remarkable in east and southeastern<br \/>\nTurkey, regions heavily populated by Kurds. <\/p>\n<p>Cuma Cicek divides<br \/>\nthe Kurdish region into three sub-regions. In the first sub-region, where HDP<br \/>\nis the dominant power, the city of Diyarbakir is a cultural and political<br \/>\ncentre in the Kurdish landscape, and the HDP\u2019s votes increased from 64 percent<br \/>\nin the presidential elections in 2014 to 79% in the parliamentary elections in<br \/>\n2015. Numbers suggest the party seems to have established itself as the only<br \/>\npolitical actor with no tangible competitor in the near future. <\/p>\n<p>In Cicek\u2019s<br \/>\nsecond sub region, in the city of Agri, the party\u2019s votes increased from 46% in<br \/>\nthe local elections in 2014 to 61% in presidential elections in 2014, and up to<br \/>\n78% in the latest parliamentary cycle. In Tunceli, votes increased from 33<br \/>\npercent in the local elections to 52 percent and to 61 percent in presidential<br \/>\nand parliamentary elections respectively. It appears that HDP has connected<br \/>\nsome provinces in this second sub-region to the first one, widening the<br \/>\ngeography where it enjoys hegemonic power status.<\/p>\n<p>The third sub<br \/>\nregion, in Cicek\u2019s category, includes the provinces (such as Urfa, Bingol and<br \/>\nKars) where the Kurdish party has traditionally stood in opposition to the other<br \/>\nmajor power bloc in the region-AK Party. Here as well the trend is changing in<br \/>\nHDP\u2019s favour. In Bingol, (one of the most conservative cities in the Kurdish<br \/>\nregion) for example, the Kurdish party raised its votes from 22 percent in the local<br \/>\nelections to 31 percent in the presidential elections and to 41 percent in the<br \/>\nmost recent parliamentary elections.This amounts to an almost 50 percent<br \/>\nincrease in votes. The other provinces are also experiencing a similar trend. Just<br \/>\nlike the first sub-region has grown to include parts of the second sub-region, the<br \/>\nsecond sub-region has also expanded into parts of the third sub-region. <\/p>\n<p>These results<br \/>\nhave been alarming for the AK Party. One of the most unique features of the AK<br \/>\nParty has been that the party represented the diversity of Turkish society. AK<br \/>\nParty leaders always took pride in their presence across the whole of Turkey as<br \/>\nopposed to other opposition parties whose presence has been confined to certain<br \/>\ngeographies. However, whether it is still the case is open to question now. The<br \/>\nAK Party\u2019s harsh campaign against the HDP, accusing party members of being<br \/>\nanti-Muslim infidels, did not resonate well with the Kurdish public. On the<br \/>\ncontrary, it produced the opposite outcome: the AK Party\u2019s presence in the region<br \/>\nsuffered considerably. This is in part due to President Erdogan\u2019s shift to a nationalist<br \/>\ndiscourse over the course of the election campaign. His statements that there<br \/>\nis no Kurdish problem in Turkey played out negatively with the Kurdish<br \/>\npopulation. Kurds increasingly have become frustrated with the AK Party\u2019s<br \/>\nshifting stance on the Kurdish issue. Until now, three reconciliation processes<br \/>\nhave been kicked off, but none of them has yielded any concrete outcome so far.<br \/>\nAlso, recent developments in Syria and Iraq have all fed into the feeling of<br \/>\nunity among Kurds, encouraging them to unify around the HDP. <\/p>\n<p>There is some<br \/>\ntruth to these explanations. But they do not provide a full account of why the HDP<br \/>\nwas able to seize the votes of Kurds in cities where it had very little or no<br \/>\nappeal before. I believe that HDP\u2019s success in attracting the votes of Kurds,<br \/>\nwho would traditionally vote for the Turkish central right and conservative<br \/>\nparties also has to do with HDP\u2019s evolution into a national party. This<br \/>\nreasoning is often asserted as the major factor behind the party\u2019s success in increasing<br \/>\nTurkish votes. However, what is often neglected is that the party also owes its<br \/>\npopularity among Kurds to its recent opening up to the broader interests of the<br \/>\ncountry as a whole. If the HDP had continued to be a regional party locked into<br \/>\nethnic and regional issues, it is not certain that these votes would have come<br \/>\ntheir way.\u00a0 <\/p>\n<h2><strong>So what next?<\/strong><\/h2>\n<p>The election<br \/>\nanalysis of the individual Kurdish cities well displays the expansion of the<br \/>\nKurdish movement in the region. The most important aspect to note about this<br \/>\ngrowth is that this has become a trend over the course of recent election<br \/>\ncycles. Kurdish parties, formerly BDP and now HDP, have been increasing their<br \/>\nvotes since the 2009 local elections, and this increase has become more notable<br \/>\nunder the leadership of Selahattin Demirtas. There is no doubt that the HDP<br \/>\nwill assume a more prominent space in Turkish politics in the years to come.<\/p>\n<p>Just as the AK<br \/>\nparty triggered the emergence of a new collective identity and transformed<br \/>\nTurkey\u2019s political landscape under the lead of an Islamist identity, with the<br \/>\nsupport of liberals, democrats, Kurdish groups in its early years, so the Kurdish<br \/>\nparty is set to bring together various ethnic, religious and socio-political<br \/>\ngroups, though with different weighting, under a coalition with the aim of<br \/>\nexpanding and strengthening democratic rights and freedoms. <\/p>\n<p>However, what is<br \/>\ndifferent from those other major identities in Turkey\u2019s political spectrum, is<br \/>\nthat this collective identity is built on respect for diversity and difference.<br \/>\nThis will not only help reduce polarization in the country, but it will also lead<br \/>\nthe way to the achievement of societal peace. If the HDP succeeds in doing this,<br \/>\nit will continue to be one of the most important opposition forces in the<br \/>\ncountry , with the potential to grow into a partner of government in the coming<br \/>\nyears.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><em>For the complete analysis,\u00a0 see: Cuma \u00c7i\u00e7ek, 1999\u2019dan 2014\u2019e K\u00fcrt<br \/>\nCo\u011frafyas\u0131n\u0131n Siyasi Haritas\u0131 [The<br \/>\nPolitical Map of the Kurdish Region from 1999 to 2014], <\/em><\/li>\n<li><em>2014 Se\u00e7imleri: K\u00fcrt<br \/>\nHegemonyas\u0131n\u0131n Konsolidasyonu ve Yay\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131 [The 2014 Elections: Consolidating<br \/>\nand Expanding the Kurdish Hegemony]\u00a0<\/em><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Rosettes at HDP&#039;s massive election rally in Istanbul. Demotix\/ Sahan Nuhoglu. All rights reserved.In Turkey, most elections are more than mere elections. The latest June 7 parliamentary elections were like this again. It turned out to be a referendum on President Recep Tayyip Erdogan\u2019s desire to switch the country\u2019s parliamentary system into a presidential one&#8230;.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1349","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-news"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1349","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=1349"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1349\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=1349"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=1349"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=1349"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}