{"id":1270,"date":"2019-03-27T04:03:38","date_gmt":"2019-03-27T04:03:38","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.sportsnewsforyou.com\/?p=1270"},"modified":"2019-03-27T04:03:38","modified_gmt":"2019-03-27T04:03:38","slug":"pandoras-box-the-real-impact-of-drug-policies","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/?p=1270","title":{"rendered":"Pandora\u2019s box: the real impact of drug policies"},"content":{"rendered":"<\/p>\n<p><i> Nineteenth-century engraving. Wikimedia Commons \/ FS Church. Public domain.Today\u2019s drug policies are finally under debate. Above all, they are in<br \/>\ncrisis.<\/i><\/p>\n<p>Their stated objective was to establish a policy to control numerous<br \/>\nhazardous substances, to prevent the addictive behaviours that these substances<br \/>\narouse in those who consume them. These substances were considered so dangerous<br \/>\nthat the best way to ensure that people stay away from them was to declare them<br \/>\nillegal, making their purchase, possession or consumption a crime. This framework was accompanied by a moral<br \/>\nconception of the substances themselves and of the \u2018degeneration\u2019 of<br \/>\npopulations associated with consumption, which justified their being persecuted and discriminated against. It created a<br \/>\nradical policy of prevention.<\/p>\n<p>But things were not as simple as they appeared in this plan, which<br \/>\nwas actively promoted by the United States throughout the twentieth century. Over<br \/>\ntime, darker layers have unfolded almost everywhere in the world. While it is<br \/>\nnot self-evident, there are deep connections between drug prohibition policies and<br \/>\nincarceration rates, the rate of HIV transmission, the militarisation of citizen<br \/>\nsecurity in the Americas, the return of the practice of enforced disappearances<br \/>\nin Mexico, lack of access to pain treatment for terminally ill patients, and social<br \/>\ncontrol over marginalised sectors of society. All of these are tied to strong<br \/>\nimbalances in the international burden of a war doomed to failure from its<br \/>\ninception.<\/p>\n<p>Why are human rights organisations in Latin America worried about<br \/>\nthis? Why are feminist organisations voicing their opinion? Why are peasant leaders<br \/>\nspeaking out? Why are an increasing number of scholars from the most<br \/>\nprestigious academic institutions raising alarm bells among policymakers?<\/p>\n<p>In Latin America, the situation is dramatically exposed.<\/p>\n<p>In Latin America, it is because the situation is dramatically<br \/>\nexposed. Sustaining prohibition has involved a series of actions focused on<br \/>\ncriminal penalties and military and police action to combat drug trafficking.<br \/>\nThe mandate is to stop the shipment of drugs to Europe and North America in<br \/>\norder to prevent consumption. This has had an impact in many<br \/>\ncommunities, particularly those most directly affected due to their geographic<br \/>\nlocation along trafficking routes or their climatic conditions favorable to<br \/>\ndrug crops. These communities have experienced levels of violence equivalent to<br \/>\ncivil war in some cases, and tens of thousands of lives have been lost in<br \/>\nrecent years.<\/p>\n<p>Practices such as<br \/>\nsystematic torture or enforced disappearance, which have distressing precedents<br \/>\nin the military regimes of the 1970s and 1980s, have also returned.<br \/>\nNevertheless, the steady rise in the use of security forces, armed forces, land<br \/>\nand maritime patrols, helicopters, radar, and increasingly sophisticated<br \/>\nweapons has not been effective in achieving the main goal of these policies: to<br \/>\nreduce the supply of prohibited substances. The criminal organisations that<br \/>\ndominate these illegal markets continue to operate, and they easily replace<br \/>\nmembers who are killed or imprisoned.<\/p>\n<p>Organised crime has<br \/>\nshown a remarkable capacity for penetrating security forces, political<br \/>\ninstitutions and judicial systems, mainly due to the huge profits these organisations<br \/>\nreap from illegal markets.<\/p>\n<p>In production and trafficking regions like Latin America,<br \/>\nconsumption has also become a worrying variable. The rise in local consumption is<br \/>\ncreating concern in society, which tends to react fearfully. Drugs are<br \/>\nidentified as the cause of security problems and crime (ignoring social<br \/>\ninequality and other structural causes) and, as a result, society resorts to punitive<br \/>\nand control-oriented actions. These criminal justice approaches and laws directly<br \/>\nassociate drugs and crime. Furthermore, without rigorous empirical evidence,<br \/>\nthey sustain and justify the criminalisation of consumers, particularly among<br \/>\nthe poor.<\/p>\n<p>The effects of this problem have become so widespread in Latin<br \/>\nAmerican countries that many social organizations working on human rights issues<br \/>\nin neighbourhoods and communities, or on justice issues in prisons, or health issues,<br \/>\nhave come up against serious situations rooted in drug control laws on a daily<br \/>\nbasis.<\/p>\n<p>CELS (the Center for Legal and Social Studies) is a human rights<br \/>\norganisation in Argentina with a long tradition of working on security, justice<br \/>\nand prison policies. In the mid-2000s, while conducting research on the violence<br \/>\nin women&#039;s prisons, we found prisons in the north of the country that were<br \/>\npopulated entirely by women who had been detained on the border with Bolivia<br \/>\nwith small amounts of drugs in their possession. They accounted for 100% of the<br \/>\npopulation in these prisons, and all of them were convicted (or waiting to be<br \/>\nsentenced) for the same crime: drug trafficking. Every one of them receives the<br \/>\nsame penalty: four and a half years in prison.<\/p>\n<p>The incidence of drug offences in the imprisonment of women has<br \/>\nsoared since the mid-1990s in every country in Latin America. In Argentina,<br \/>\nBrazil, Costa Rica and Peru, over 60% of<br \/>\nthe female prison population is incarcerated for drug-related offences.<\/p>\n<p><i>Exorbitant increases have been recorded<br \/>\nin some countries.<\/i><\/p>\n<p>\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>The female prison population in<br \/>\nColombia grew by 459% from 1991 to 2014 (168 points more than the male prison<br \/>\npopulation). In Mexico, the number of women imprisoned for federal crimes has risen<br \/>\nby 400%<br \/>\nsince 2007. In Argentina,<br \/>\nthe female prison population serving time for drug-related offences<br \/>\nincreased 271% from 1989 to 2008. In Brazil,<br \/>\nthere was growth of 290% over the period 2005\u20132013.<\/p>\n<p><\/p>\n<p>The driving forces behind the<br \/>\nexorbitant rates of incarceration are the extremely punitive drug laws being passed<br \/>\nand the imposition of disproportionate penalties.<\/p>\n<p>Similarly, work done on justice and citizen security from a human<br \/>\nrights perspective reveals clear dynamics regarding the relationship with drug<br \/>\nlaws that are impossible to overlook. Policies against drug trafficking almost<br \/>\nmonopolise discussions on security in many countries, introducing the logic associated<br \/>\nwith police and military action, which has intensified the levels of violence.<br \/>\nThe use of armed forces in Mexico and Central America, the territorial<br \/>\noccupation of Brazilian <em>favelas <\/em>(or<br \/>\nshanty-towns) and Peru\u2019s rural producing regions \u2013 with all the human rights<br \/>\nviolations that accompany its use \u2013 have led to the definition of new forms of<br \/>\nintervention in security, blurring the limits with national defence under the<br \/>\ndoctrine of new threats.\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>Even countries that do not suffer from such extreme situations of<br \/>\nviolence have also changed the imprint of their security policies because of<br \/>\nthe <em>threat of drug trafficking<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>As a result, police arrests, the weakening of due process guarantees,<br \/>\nthe use of pre-trial detention and the disproportionality of sentences for drug<br \/>\noffences are all phenomena seen to varying degrees in most countries. The<br \/>\nconsequences are more overcrowding in prisons, the clogging of justice systems,<br \/>\nand a concentration on the minor players in the trafficking chain: consumers,<br \/>\nsmall local vendors and micro-traffickers. These are the people who end up in<br \/>\nprison \u2013 without producing an even minimal reduction in the dynamics of illegal<br \/>\nmarkets, which replace these minor players without losing any time, and continue<br \/>\nto operate as if nothing happened.<\/p>\n<p>And yet all of this punitive effort to reduce drug trafficking has<br \/>\nnot found its counter-part in the health field, where there are still huge gaps<br \/>\nin healthcare for people seeking help. Were not all of these efforts being made<br \/>\nto address rising concerns about the impact of drug use on health? Then why are<br \/>\ncountries spending over 95% of their resources on criminal prosecution?<\/p>\n<p>We have before us a prohibitionist model that has increased violence and broadened social gaps.<\/p>\n<p>In Latin America, the failure of the drug control system has not<br \/>\nsparked serious reflection on the dynamics of the relationship of state institutions<br \/>\n(police, judicial, political) with illegal markets and their informal regulation.<br \/>\nThe huge flows of money involved have led to the penetration of many state stakeholders,<br \/>\nwhich raises much more complex challenges that include, for example, the<br \/>\nnecessary reform of police institutions. Today, it would be hard to develop<br \/>\ndemocratic citizen security policies in Latin America without addressing these<br \/>\nissues.<\/p>\n<p>The number of organisations that have begun to reflect upon and<br \/>\nquestion the international drug control regime in the region is growing. They<br \/>\nare also increasingly diverse in nature.<\/p>\n<p>The international debate on the effectiveness of the existing<br \/>\ncontrol regime only partly addresses the consequences of the system\u2019s implementation.<br \/>\nThere is still no full acceptance of the international regulatory framework\u2019s<br \/>\nresponsibility for the situations created. The global system seems to support<br \/>\nthe idea that the debate about drug policy is a discussion about <em>drugs<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>And what reality shows is that this debate about drug policy is<br \/>\nreally a discussion about health, wellbeing, justice, rights, development and<br \/>\nequality. We have before us a prohibitionist model that has increased violence<br \/>\nand broadened social gaps, economic inequities, political differences and<br \/>\ninternational asymmetries. The international system must attempt to intervene<br \/>\nin this business\u2019s terms of trade, and states must stop using the \u2018scourge\u2019 of<br \/>\ndrugs to justify actions that violate human rights.<\/p>\n<p>\u2018Pandora&#039;s box\u2019 has been<br \/>\nopen for some time, and its evils have spread out. But in the story of Pandora, &#039;hope&#039; still remained at the bottom of the box. Now, there is a need to rethink a system that has caused much<br \/>\ngreater damage than what it was supposed to prevent. The number and variety of<br \/>\nvoices joining this debate show that the consensus has been broken, and it&#039;s<br \/>\ntime to think about change.<\/p>\n<p><p>This article is published as part of an editorial partnership between openDemocracy and CELS, an Argentine human rights organisation with a broad agenda that includes advocating for drug policies respectful of human rights. The partnership coincides with the United Nations General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS) on drugs.<\/p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Nineteenth-century engraving. Wikimedia Commons \/ FS Church. Public domain.Today\u2019s drug policies are finally under debate. Above all, they are in crisis. Their stated objective was to establish a policy to control numerous hazardous substances, to prevent the addictive behaviours that these substances arouse in those who consume them. These substances were considered so dangerous that&#8230;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1270","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-news"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1270","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=1270"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1270\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=1270"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=1270"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/googmn.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=1270"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}